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Tag: Washington County Daily News

Governor Evers and his vetoes

by | 0609, 5 Apr 2222 | | 0 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

Everyone assumes that Gov. Tony Evers will just veto any bills that the Republicans in the Legislature send to his desk. Evers does not want to give the Republicans any wins in an election year. But while the media and the public ignore Evers’ vetoes as the expected result of political gamesmanship, they are whitewashing just how terrible our governor is.

 

[…]

 

Evers’ vetoes remind us of what a terrible governor he is. As long as he is in office, Wisconsin will have no employee representation of PFC boards, fewer EMS personnel for rural communities, dumber kids who are forced to attend schools that are not working for them, and more violent crime. Evers is making his positions clear. Are you listening?

Milwaukee is the perfect city to host Republican National Convention

by | 1838, 1 Apr 2222 | , | 0 Comments

Here is my full column that ran in the Washington County Daily News earlier this week.

It is down to two. The Republican National Committee has narrowed it down to Milwaukee or Nashville to host their national convention in 2024. Milwaukee would be the perfect choice as the Republican Party defines itself in the post-Trump era.

 

Having a national convention in your city is a big deal. Unlike most conventions, the political conventions bring global attention to a city and state. It is a gigantic advertisement to the world. In the past couple of decades, the national parties have tended to choose convention cities in swing states where they hope that the convention will generate a positive bounce in electoral results. That bounce is overstated, but there are other reasons the GOP should choose Milwaukee and Wisconsin.

 

There is a tectonic shift happening in the base of the Republican Party. President Donald Trump attracted a wave of new Republicans that are more populist, more working class, and less tolerant of the ruling class than the traditional middle-class suburbanite Republicans. The Democratic Party has abandoned the middle and working classes to become the party of tech billionaires, Hollywood, government workers, and grievance activists. Wisconsin is not the land of billionaires and superstars. It is the land of regular good people who work hard, treat people with respect, take care of their homes and families, and want to be treated with respect. The average Wisconsinite is the future of the Republican Party and the GOP should embrace it.

 

Furthermore, Wisconsin offers the symbiotic opportunity for state and national Republicans to define and launch the next era of the GOP. The national convention will be in 2024. With some hard work and a little luck, the Republicans will regain the governorship and retain control of the legislature this year. Should they win, state Republicans will have the opportunity to enact signature reforms that would be the planks of a national platform.

 

Wisconsin has led the way on national reform before. Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson revolutionized welfare in the state. It was so successful that Democrat President Bill Clinton signed legislation copying it on a national scale. When Thompson partnered with Democrats to enact school choice in Milwaukee, communities around the nation followed suit. When Republican Gov. Scott Walker signed Act 10, the whole nation took notice.

 

Should the state Republicans regain control in Madison, they must act as boldly as previous Republicans to set in motion a national movement. They must liberate our children’s education by enacting universal school choice. They must make sure that everyone can vote and that every vote counts by reforming our electoral process. They must end the scourge of crime by not just enacting tough criminal laws, but by enacting judicial reform to hold prosecutors and judges accountable. They must cut government spending to show how government can live within the people’s means.

 

These are the kind of issues that matter in the lives of the middle- and working-class people who make up the base of the Republican Party. These are the kind of issues that actually impact people’s lives in real ways. These are the kind of issues that national Republicans can take up and champion in Washington.

 

The GOP should choose Milwaukee to host its national convention not because of the great venues, beer, brats, and Brewers. It should choose Milwaukee because the people of Wisconsin are exactly the kind of people the GOP needs to be the party of the future.

Milwaukee is the perfect city to host Republican National Convention

by | 0643, 29 Mar 2222 | , | 1 Comment

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

There is a tectonic shift happening in the base of the Republican Party. President Donald Trump attracted a wave of new Republicans that are more populist, more working class, and less tolerant of the ruling class than the traditional middle-class suburbanite Republicans. The Democratic Party has abandoned the middle and working classes to become the party of tech billionaires, Hollywood, government workers, and grievance activists. Wisconsin is not the land of billionaires and superstars. It is the land of regular good people who work hard, treat people with respect, take care of their homes and families, and want to be treated with respect. The average Wisconsinite is the future of the Republican Party and the GOP should embrace it.

 

Furthermore, Wisconsin offers the symbiotic opportunity for state and national Republicans to define and launch the next era of the GOP. The national convention will be in 2024. With some hard work and a little luck, the Republicans will regain the governorship and retain control of the legislature this year. Should they win, state Republicans will have the opportunity to enact signature reforms that would be the planks of a national platform.

 

Wisconsin has led the way on national reform before. Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson revolutionized welfare in the state. It was so successful that Democrat President Bill Clinton signed legislation copying it on a national scale. When Thompson partnered with Democrats to enact school choice in Milwaukee, communities around the nation followed suit. When Republican Gov. Scott Walker signed Act 10, the whole nation took notice.

 

Should the state Republicans regain control in Madison, they must act as boldly as previous Republicans to set in motion a national movement. They must liberate our children’s education by enacting universal school choice. They must make sure that everyone can vote and that every vote counts by reforming our electoral process. They must end the scourge of crime by not just enacting tough criminal laws, but by enacting judicial reform to hold prosecutors and judges accountable. They must cut government spending to show how government can live within the people’s means.

 

These are the kind of issues that matter in the lives of the middle- and working-class people who make up the base of the Republican Party. These are the kind of issues that actually impact people’s lives in real ways. These are the kind of issues that national Republicans can take up and champion in Washington.

Evers uses his $2.5 billion re-election slush fund to great effect

by | 1310, 27 Mar 2222 | | 0 Comments

Here is my full column that ran in the Washington County Daily News last week.

When President Joe Biden was advocating for his American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) early last year, he stressed the urgency of the matter. He said, “We’re in a national emergency, and we need to act like we’re in a national emergency.” Over a year and 7.9% inflation later, Governor Tony Evers is using the ARPA as a gigantic re-election slush fund as he hands out our money in dribs and drabs for maximum personal political benefit.

 

The $1.9 trillion ARPA was passed by Congress without a single Republican vote and signed by Democrat President Biden. In an economy that was already roaring back to life after the pandemic, many feared that printing another $1.9 trillion and dumping it into the economy would spark inflation that could erase all of the gains made by Americans. Those fears are being realized as I write.

 

The other fear that many Republicans has was that the ARPA was structured to be a re-election fund for Democrats. Those fears are also being realized. Among other things, the ARPA doled out $350 billion to states and local governments to be spent largely at the sole discretion of the chief executive. Wisconsin received over $2.5 billion to be spent by Gov. Tony Evers. Despite overwrought lamentations by both Biden and Evers about the pandemic emergency, Evers still has not allocated all of that money after more than a year. Far from speeding the emergency money into the pockets of Wisconsinites who were allegedly suffering from the effects of the pandemic, Evers has been hoarding billions of our dollars. Why? He was waiting for it to be closer to the election. Just since the beginning of February, Evers has announced the allocation of over $628 million from the ARPA. Reading through the governor’s press releases, one would think that he was cutting a personal check instead of allocating the taxpayers’ money.

 

In order to maximize the political benefit, Evers is taking great pains to spread our money around the state. There is $7.9 million for a dental clinic in Appleton, $6 million for a clinic in Tommy Thompson’s hometown of Elroy, a $4.3 million grant for Neenah, $2 million for low-income housing in Madison, $9 million for a Community Outreach and Engagement Center at Beloit College, $119,000 for Prairie du Chien to host a historical celebration, $250,000 for a parking lot for the Paine Art Center and Gardens, and on, and on, and on. It is Halloween and Evers is handing out the good candy that we bought.

 

Most infuriating is the $50 million that Evers allocated last week as an “investment in safer communities across Wisconsin.” After years of denigrating law enforcement and ignoring the victims of an increasing rate of violent crime — including dragging his feet to quell the violence in Kenosha — Evers is smart enough to read the writing on the wall. Crime is up. The public is angry about it. Supporting law enforcement is a winning issue this year and despite his lengthy history of supporting criminals, Evers is using our money to pretend that he supports law enforcement. It is as insincere as it is deceitful. Evers has not been willing to support policies that would reduce crime or lock up more criminals, but he is willing to throw a blizzard of our own money into our faces in an election year to distract us from his own legacy of supporting criminals.

 

Does any of this seem like it is reacting to a pandemic emergency? Establishing a pilot program to expand operations of two courtrooms to evenings for one day a week in Milwaukee? $29,640 for a chain link fence in the grandstand area of the Ozaukee County Fairgrounds? $100,000 for the village of Oregon to install public art?

 

Is this really what pandemic relief looks like? Is this not just government spending that could have been made in 2000 or 2010 or 2030? What emergency are we solving for? Why did this require an inflation-fueling emergency bailout? Or was the American Rescue Plan Act just a re-election fund for Democrats like Tony Evers to use to curry favor with voters in an election year?

 

While Evers’ actions are transparent, they are also effective. Spreading around taxpayer cash to buy loyalty and support is a time-honored tradition in American politics. It works and Republicans should not underestimate its power. Republicans have already lost once to Evers after underestimating him. They would do well to remember that lesson.

Evers uses his $2.5 billion re-election slush fund to great effect

by | 0644, 22 Mar 2222 | , | 3 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part.

In order to maximize the political benefit, Evers is taking great pains to spread our money around the state. There is $7.9 million for a dental clinic in Appleton, $6 million for a clinic in Tommy Thompson’s hometown of Elroy, a $4.3 million grant for Neenah, $2 million for low-income housing in Madison, $9 million for a Community Outreach and Engagement Center at Beloit College, $119,000 for Prairie du Chien to host a historical celebration, $250,000 for a parking lot for the Paine Art Center and Gardens, and on, and on, and on. It is Halloween and Evers is handing out the good candy that we bought.

 

Most infuriating is the $50 million that Evers allocated last week as an “investment in safer communities across Wisconsin.” After years of denigrating law enforcement and ignoring the victims of an increasing rate of violent crime — including dragging his feet to quell the violence in Kenosha — Evers is smart enough to read the writing on the wall. Crime is up. The public is angry about it. Supporting law enforcement is a winning issue this year and despite his lengthy history of supporting criminals, Evers is using our money to pretend that he supports law enforcement. It is as insincere as it is deceitful. Evers has not been willing to support policies that would reduce crime or lock up more criminals, but he is willing to throw a blizzard of our own money into our faces in an election year to distract us from his own legacy of supporting criminals.

 

Does any of this seem like it is reacting to a pandemic emergency? Establishing a pilot program to expand operations of two courtrooms to evenings for one day a week in Milwaukee? $29,640 for a chain link fence in the grandstand area of the Ozaukee County Fairgrounds? $100,000 for the village of Oregon to install public art?

 

Is this really what pandemic relief looks like? Is this not just government spending that could have been made in 2000 or 2010 or 2030? What emergency are we solving for? Why did this require an inflation-fueling emergency bailout? Or was the American Rescue Plan Act just a re-election fund for Democrats like Tony Evers to use to curry favor with voters in an election year?

 

While Evers’ actions are transparent, they are also effective. Spreading around taxpayer cash to buy loyalty and support is a time-honored tradition in American politics. It works and Republicans should not underestimate its power. Republicans have already lost once to Evers after underestimating him. They would do well to remember that lesson.

Opportunities past and present

by | 0725, 15 Mar 2222 | | 2 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

Now we find ourselves on the cusp of another opportunity. We are again in the midterm election year of a radical, railing presidency with abysmal approval ratings. By this time next year, Wisconsinites may be witness to another wave of significant reforms like universal school choice, tax cuts, education reform, regulatory reform, more protections for children, electoral reform, and strengthening our criminal justice system.

 

But opportunities are fleeting, and results are never guaranteed. No elections are certain. Our political history is littered with failed candidates who “should” have won. When presented with opportunity, it must be met with action. Ideas without action are just fodder for columnists. Even with Act 10, conservatives never followed through with using the law to its full advantage at the state and local levels to rein in spending. And the torrent of reform seen in Gov. Scott Walker’s first term dwindled to a trickle in his second term as Republicans conformed to the plush putrescence of Madison.

 

The broad tent of the Republican Party is apparent in the slate of Republican primary candidates for governor. It is an opportunity for the party faithful to have a healthy debate about the policy priorities of the party. Then it is an opportunity for Republicans to unite behind the chosen candidate to put those policies into law next year. Nothing happens, however, if Governor Evers is able to retain the governorship because the Republicans squandered the opportunity with intraparty squabbling.

 

If Republicans had not won the elections in 2010, the Republican reforms of 2011 would have never happened. If they do not win in 2022, there will be no Republican reforms in 2023.

 

Winning is not everything, but it is pretty darn close in politics.

High court rules on redistricting

by | 0835, 12 Mar 2222 | , | 1 Comment

Here is my full column that ran in the Washington County Daily News last Tuesday.

Last week, the Wisconsin Supreme Court handed down its ruling regarding Wisconsin’s decennial political redistricting. The majority of the court decided to adopt the maps drawn by Gov. Tony Evers. While the subject of redistricting puts most voters to sleep and the end result of the ruling is unimpactful for most Wisconsinites, the court’s action sheds a bright light on the state’s befuddling high court and the rank insincerity of politicos everywhere.

 

The redistricting process happens every decade after the annual census in completed. The purpose of the process is to redraw all of the political boundaries to reflect population changes that have happened since the previous census. Given that the process directly impacts every politician in the state, except those who are elected statewide, politicians get very worked up about it. Almost nobody else cares even though they should.

 

The rules for redistricting are fairly simple: Draw lines that create political districts that are roughly equal in population, contiguous, and do not discriminate against anyone on the basis of race or other distinctions protected by the United States Constitution. In Wisconsin, the state Constitution also requires that each Senate district contain three Assembly districts and respect municipal boundaries. The politics of redistricting are far more complex.

 

In Wisconsin, redistricting is done through the regular legislative process. The Legislature meets, listens to public input, gets feedback from constituents, debates, argues, harangues, amends, and eventually passes a bill with the new district lines. From there, the governor either signs the new lines into law or vetoes them. If the Legislature and governor are controlled by different parties, which has happened more often than not in Wisconsin during redistricting years, the result is usually that the governor vetoes the redistricting law and the whole thing ends up in court. That is what happened this time. When the Wisconsin Supreme Court decided to take the case about redistricting, which is their duty, the majority decided to ask interested parties to submit their own maps and the court would pick whichever one caused the “least change.” Through this invented rubric, subsequently tortured into “core retention,” the court chose Governor Evers’ maps. The result is that Wisconsin’s legislative districts still lean heavily in the Republicans’ favor, but not quite as much as if the court chose the maps debated and passed by the Legislature. It is impossible for anyone to draw maps that favor Democrat majorities because the liberals in the state have decided to overwhelmingly live together in a couple of relatively small geographies instead of fanning out across the state to live with people who are not like them.

 

The ruling by the high court was written by Justice Brian Hagedorn. As the only man on the court, Hagedorn has taken it upon himself to be the court’s fulcrum with three conservative women justices on one side and three leftist women justices on the other. What is impossible to discern is any guiding judicial philosophy by Hagedorn. It is not fair to call him a juridical conservative or a judicial liberal because his decision making is not consistent enough to divine a coherent philosophy.

 

In reading the decision written by Hagedorn, which I encourage everyone to do, it reminded me of something written by a high school sophomore. His childlike arguments were not rooted in law or precedent, but in his own personal sense of fairness. He whimsically brushes away law when admitting that his invented, “parties struggled with reconciling it (the court’s invented “least change” rubric) with the United States Constitution, Wisconsin Constitution, and Voting Rights Act.” They struggled to reconcile it because it is unreconcilable, yet Hagedorn persisted.

 

There are two major things wrong with Evers’ maps — one legal and one political. The legal problem is that, as Hagedorn’s ruling explains in great detail, Governor Evers determined district lines based on race. Using race to decide district lines is unconstitutional unless it is done to remedy a previous racial injustice, which no one has alleged. In this respect, Evers’ maps are a clear violation of the 14th Amendment.

 

When the 14th Amendment was written after the Civil War, it was designed to prevent racist white citizens from bottling up black citizens into a few districts to minimize their political power. Yet, this is precisely what Evers and Hagedorn did. Evers used racial considerations to create one more majority-black Assembly district by diluting black Wisconsinites’ voice in other districts.

 

The political problem with Evers’ maps is that he created them in the first place. The purpose of using the legislative process to create the maps is to ensure that they receive all of the scrutiny and visibility that the legislative process requires and allows. The Legislature’s maps were created in the light of day, debated, tweaked, and passed. Governor Evers’ maps were created in his office by a group of faceless, nameless people who were probably not even wearing masks.

 

In a republic where the people are supposed to have a voice, one solitary white man in a black robe has chosen a map drawn by another solitary white man in a gray suit. Nobody else even had a seat at the table. That is not how representative government is supposed to work.

 

The decision has already been appealed to the United States Supreme Court. In the end, the resulting district lines will matter little to anyone who is not vying for public office, but the process by which we arrive at these decisions matter is we are to preserve our civil rights.

High court rules on redistricting

by | 1547, 8 Mar 2222 | , | 0 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a sample:

Given that the process directly impacts every politician in the state, except those who are elected statewide, politicians get very worked up about it. Almost nobody else cares even though they should.

 

[…]

 

The ruling by the high court was written by Justice Brian Hagedorn. As the only man on the court, Hagedorn has taken it upon himself to be the court’s fulcrum with three conservative women justices on one side and three leftist women justices on the other. What is impossible to discern is any guiding judicial philosophy by Hagedorn. It is not fair to call him a juridical conservative or a judicial liberal because his decision making is not consistent enough to divine a coherent philosophy.

 

In reading the decision written by Hagedorn, which I encourage everyone to do, it reminded me of something written by a high school sophomore. His childlike arguments were not rooted in law or precedent, but in his own personal sense of fairness. He whimsically brushes away law when admitting that his invented, “parties struggled with reconciling it (the court’s invented “least change” rubric) with the United States Constitution, Wisconsin Constitution, and Voting Rights Act.” They struggled to reconcile it because it is unreconcilable, yet Hagedorn persisted.

There are two major things wrong with Evers’ maps — one legal and one political. The legal problem is that, as Hagedorn’s ruling explains in great detail, Governor Evers determined district lines based on race. Using race to decide district lines is unconstitutional unless it is done to remedy a previous racial injustice, which no one has alleged. In this respect, Evers’ maps are a clear violation of the 14th Amendment.

 

When the 14th Amendment was written after the Civil War, it was designed to prevent racist white citizens from bottling up black citizens into a few districts to minimize their political power. Yet, this is precisely what Evers and Hagedorn did. Evers used racial considerations to create one more majority-black Assembly district by diluting black Wisconsinites’ voice in other districts.

Power v. Education

by | 1744, 4 Mar 2222 | , | 0 Comments

Here is my full column that ran earlier in the week in the Washington County Daily News.

One of the most important issues on the ballot in April and November will be the education of our kids. This is as it should be because education is not only the key to a strong and prosperous nation, but also the single greatest gift than one generation can give to the next. The frustrations of parents have grown into a political movement that is being felt in polling booths all over the nation.

 

In what will hopefully eventually be seen in time as a positive outcome of the pandemic, parents were forced to take a hard look at what and how their kids were being taught. Many parents did not like what they saw. Instead of the axiomatic “three Rs,” they found the curriculum riddled with the latest leftist fads from climate change to gender ideology to critical race theory. As kids finally returned to school buildings, many parents were frustrated by the destructive, ridiculous, and contradictory covid mitigation policies. Many schools, including the West Bend School District, have seen an increase in violence and classroom disruptions as kids damaged by the isolation enforced during the pandemic return to complicated social situations. Through all of this, the anger and frustration of parents has been increasing because government schools have turned a deaf ear to their concerns. As parents have tried to use the political process to express their dissatisfaction and frustrations with school boards and government school officials, they have been increasingly rebuffed and ignored.

 

Democrat Representative Lee Snodgrass let the cat out of the bag by tweeting what many government school officials think when she wrote, “If parents want to “have a say” in their child’s education, they should home school or pay for private school tuition out of their family budget.” In other words, parents should just pay their taxes and shut up. Snodgrass’ tweet gave voice to the arrogant condescension that parents are feeling from too many government school officials.

 

Parents have an expectation and a right that their kids are educated in accordance with their values and priorities. When that is not happening, they get justifiably angry. The root of the problem is that government schools are not capable of accommodating the spectrum of values present in the out modern society. They are not designed that way. They are designed to regress to the mean.

 

Government schools are political organizations that are governed by people who are chosen through the electoral process. By design, the government schools represent the values of the majority of the voters. When there are broad shared values that are held by the vast majority of the community, this system works fine. But when there are a wide variety of values to be represented, an elected government can only really represent some assemblage that adds up to 51% of the electorate. This leaves a significant portion of the community marginalized, frustrated, and angry. We see this reflected in all of our elected governments right now from Washington to school boards.

 

While we do not have a fix for this political frustration for state or national government, we do have a fix with schools. School Choice is the answer for how we can focus on education while still honoring the broad array of values that parents want to be reinforced with their children in school.

 

School Choice is not a conservative issue. It used to be considered a liberal issue. Many of the early advocates for School Choice were liberals who were fighting to give families who were not being represented in the power structure a chance to choose a school that will serve them better. These marginalized subsets of the larger community were unable to exert enough political power to change the government schools. School Choice prevented their children from being pawns in a political power struggle.

 

That is what the School Choice debate is really about: power and entrenched power structures. The government school establishment, from the local school districts to the Department of Public Instruction to the teachers’ unions, is powerful. School Choice is a challenge to that power because it transfers power to parents. As Snodgrass so eloquently explained, parents who pay get a say. School Choice gives all parents the means to have a real say in how schools are run and what is taught.

 

School Choice changes the dynamic by forcing schools — government and private — to be responsive to the families they serve. The discussion can be about education instead of a struggle for power. If one family is unhappy about a school teaching CRT or having to recite the Pledge of Allegiance, they can have the means to choose a different school that more closely matches their priorities and values. One should not have to defeat their neighbors in a political battle for their school to educate their children in a way that supports their values.

Power vs. education

by | 0719, 1 Mar 2222 | , | 13 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

Parents have an expectation and a right that their kids are educated in accordance with their values and priorities. When that is not happening, they get justifiably angry. The root of the problem is that government schools are not capable of accommodating the spectrum of values present in the out modern society. They are not designed that way. They are designed to regress to the mean.

 

Government schools are political organizations that are governed by people who are chosen through the electoral process. By design, the government schools represent the values of the majority of the voters. When there are broad shared values that are held by the vast majority of the community, this system works fine. But when there are a wide variety of values to be represented, an elected government can only really represent some assemblage that adds up to 51% of the electorate. This leaves a significant portion of the community marginalized, frustrated, and angry. We see this reflected in all of our elected governments right now from Washington to school boards.

 

While we do not have a fix for this political frustration for state or national government, we do have a fix with schools. School Choice is the answer for how we can focus on education while still honoring the broad array of values that parents want to be reinforced with their children in school.

 

School Choice is not a conservative issue. It used to be considered a liberal issue. Many of the early advocates for School Choice were liberals who were fighting to give families who were not being represented in the power structure a chance to choose a school that will serve them better. These marginalized subsets of the larger community were unable to exert enough political power to change the government schools. School Choice prevented their children from being pawns in a political power struggle

 

That is what the School Choice debate is really about: power and entrenched power structures. The government school establishment, from the local school districts to the Department of Public Instruction to the teachers’ unions, is powerful. School Choice is a challenge to that power because it transfers power to parents. As Snodgrass so eloquently explained, parents who pay get a say. School Choice gives all parents the means to have a real say in how schools are run and what is taught

 

School Choice changes the dynamic by forcing schools — government and private — to be responsive to the families they serve. The discussion can be about education instead of a struggle for power. If one family is unhappy about a school teaching CRT or having to recite the Pledge of Allegiance, they can have the means to choose a different school that more closely matches their priorities and values. One should not have to defeat their neighbors in a political battle for their school to educate their children in a way that supports their values.

How pro-life are Wisconsin’s Republicans?

by | 1742, 26 Feb 2222 | | 0 Comments

Here is my full column that ran earlier in the week in the Washington County Daily News

Whenever one party controls the Legislature and the executive is of the other party and is up for re-election, the party in the Legislature will use the spring session to pass a flurry of bills designed to establish political positions for the election and communicate their policy priorities to the electorate. This year is no different. With Democrat Gov. Tony Evers vying for re-election later this year, the Republican- led Legislature is using the legislative session to stake their ground on election reform, taxes, education reform, etc. with the full expectation that Evers will veto their efforts.

 

Disturbingly, with the U.S. Supreme Court scheduled to rule on two cases that could improve legal protections for babies by reversing or refining the appalling Roe v. Wade ruling, the Republican Legislature is bottling up a bill in committee that would prohibit abortions after the baby’s heartbeat is detectable. While Evers would certainly veto the bill, it would tell voters what Republicans would do to reshape the state’s abortion laws should the Supreme Court return that responsibility to the states.

 

By state law, abortions are illegal in Wisconsin, but that state law was invalidated when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on Roe v. Wade. If the court completely reverses that decision — an unlikely, but possible scenario — abortions in Wisconsin could become completely illegal overnight in Wisconsin. While that would be a happy outcome for thousands and thousands of children, it is unlikely that in a politically divided state like Wisconsin that such a prohibition would stand for long. The Legislature and governor would act to adjust Wisconsin’s abortion laws to the new legal reality somewhere within the broad boundaries that are defined by the political and cultural landscape. We know what the Democrats would do. Given the power, they would lift as many restrictions on abortions as possible. We have seen in other states where Democrats are passing laws allowing abortions up to the point that it becomes infanticide. Pro-life Democrats have long since been purged from the party and there are few members left to moderate the leftist dogma when it comes to abortion.

 

What would Republicans do? Would they fight to keep abortions completely illegal in Wisconsin? That seems unlikely. Where would they draw the line?

 

The fetal heartbeat bill is one such line. The bill is modeled after the Texas law that went into effect last year. The law is being considered by the Supreme Court, but was allowed to go into effect, signaling that the court may sanction it permanently. The law prohibits an abortion provider from providing an abortion once a heartbeat is detected. This is usually around six weeks after conception.

 

In order to negotiate around the arbitrary strictures of Roe v. Wade, the Texas law turns over enforcement for the law to the civil courts. It allows private citizens to sue abortion providers if they violate the law. This dubious legal mechanism is troubling, but effective. September of 2021 was the first full month that the Texas law was in effect and the only month for which data is available so far. The data shows that there was a 60% decline in abortions in Texas from August to September. There are anecdotal reports of some Texas women crossing into other states to obtain later-term abortions, but the strong initial evidence is that many women chose to take their children to term. Those are a lot of children who will be able to live full lives instead of having been snuffed out before breathing their first breath.

 

The question remains, what will Wisconsin’s Republicans do? Some of them are ardently pro-life. Some of them talk a good game at Republican events but do little. Some of them might be pro-abortion, which is their right, but they should be honest about it. Every person has a line at which they think an abortion is appropriate and permissible. They also have a line at which an abortion is abhorrent.

 

Given the very high likelihood that the Supreme Court will force the hand of state politicians to rewrite their state abortion laws for a new legal reality, what would the Republicans do in Wisconsin? If they would not draw the line at a baby’s heartbeat, where would they draw the line?

 

This is a question of life and death that the Republicans must answer before the next election. Their answer must be more than more empty pap at a rubber-chicken dinner. Their answer must have the force and detail of a bill that is passed by their legislative caucuses. How pro-life is the Republican Party of Wisconsin when they can’t hide behind a federal court ruling? Hopefully we will find out soon and babies will be able to live with the answer.

How pro-life are Wisconsin’s Republicans?

by | 0658, 22 Feb 2222 | , | 26 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

Disturbingly, with the U.S. Supreme Court scheduled to rule on two cases that could improve legal protections for babies by reversing or refining the appalling Roe v. Wade ruling, the Republican Legislature is bottling up a bill in committee that would prohibit abortions after the baby’s heartbeat is detectable. While Evers would certainly veto the bill, it would tell voters what Republicans would do to reshape the state’s abortion laws should the Supreme Court return that responsibility to the states.

 

[…]

 

We know what the Democrats would do. Given the power, they would lift as many restrictions on abortions as possible. We have seen in other states where Democrats are passing laws allowing abortions up to the point that it becomes infanticide. Pro-life Democrats have long since been purged from the party and there are few members left to moderate the leftist dogma when it comes to abortion.

 

What would Republicans do? Would they fight to keep abortions completely illegal in Wisconsin? That seems unlikely. Where would they draw the line?

 

The fetal heartbeat bill is one such line. The bill is modeled after the Texas law that went into effect last year. The law is being considered by the Supreme Court, but was allowed to go into effect, signaling that the court may sanction it permanently. The law prohibits an abortion provider from providing an abortion once a heartbeat is detected. This is usually around six weeks after conception.

 

[…]

 

Every person has a line at which they think an abortion is appropriate and permissible. They also have a line at which an abortion is abhorrent.

 

Given the very high likelihood that the Supreme Court will force the hand of state politicians to rewrite their state abortion laws for a new legal reality, what would the Republicans do in Wisconsin? If they would not draw the line at a baby’s heartbeat, where would they draw the line?

 

This is a question of life and death that the Republicans must answer before the next election. Their answer must be more than more empty pap at a rubber-chicken dinner. Their answer must have the force and detail of a bill that is passed by their legislative caucuses. How pro-life is the Republican Party of Wisconsin when they can’t hide behind a federal court ruling? Hopefully we will find out soon and babies will be able to live with the answer.

 

GOP Primary Gets Real

by | 1832, 18 Feb 2222 | | 22 Comments

Here is my full column that ran earlier in the week in the Washington County Daily News

In a year when the utter failure of President Biden’s administration is expected to fuel a Republican wave at the ballot box, the Wisconsin Republican primary for governor is setting up to be a battle for the party’s soul. Let us hope that the primary battle isn’t rendered moot by helping the feckless Gov. Tony Evers win a second term.

 

There are some major shifts happening within the Wisconsin Republican base. First, there is deep frustration with the Republican elected leadership. The Republican base turned decidedly more conservative starting around 2004. The first real sign of it was when then assemblyman Glenn Grothman challenged incumbent Republican Senate Majority Leader Mary Panzer in a primary and defeated her with 79% of the vote. Grothman staked out a very conservative position to Panzer’s more moderate approach. Grothman’s victory signaled that the Republican base had shifted more conservative and it continued to move that way for the next decade.

 

By 2010, when conservative Scott Walker won the governorship with a solidly conservative Legislature, the conservative movement in Wisconsin was at its apex. Over the next four years, Wisconsin enacted more conservative legislation than any time in its history — perhaps in any state’s history.

 

By 2016, the base of the Republican Party was getting frustrated. The base was as conservative as ever, but the elected Republicans in Madison seemed to have lost their drive. Few conservative initiatives were being passed and the elected leaders seemed to be getting too comfortable in Madison. The Republican base’s frustration led to Walker’s defeat by Evers as some conservatives sat home. Wisconsin’s elected Republicans still aren’t listening and have lost 11 of the last 12 statewide elections.

 

2016 also saw the dramatic change in the Republican base with a wave of populism ushered in by President Donald Trump. Here was a new brand of Republican. While very similar to the conservative wing in terms of philosophy, they are very different in terms of priorities and style. They tended to be more socially liberal, less fiscally conservative, more willing to challenge orthodoxy, less willing to tolerate bull, and more aggressive in style.

 

The Republican populists rose out of a deep frustration with the establishment, and the elites in our state and nation are not only failing to represent and respect the people, but they are actively working against the people’s interests. Recent history has proven them right in many respects. While more traditional conservatives seek to advance change through existing institutions and power structures, populists seek to tear down those structures and replace them with something better.

 

The Republican primary for governor is a contest between all these various forces. Conservative versus populist. Establishment versus outsider. Madison Republicanism versus W.O.W. Republicanism.

 

Last week Republican Rep. Timothy Ramthun announced his run for governor. He is the fourth declared candidate for the Republican nomination for governor. Ramthun comes from the populist wing and is running on the issue that the 2020 election in Wisconsin was illegitimate.

 

Kevin Nicholson also comes from the populist wing, but he isn’t one of the flight feathers. He is determined to break Madison’s hold on the party and advocates a muscular conservatism.

 

Jonathan Wichmann is less well-known, but is advocating a more intellectual, business approach to governing.

 

Rebecca Kleefisch comes from the conservative wing. She first won election as a conservative outsider by challenging the old Republican establishment. She built her campaign with the support of the Republican establishment but is pushing to return Wisconsin conservatism to action instead of just remembering past successes.

 

Primaries are healthy. In a two-party system where each of the political parties is a confederation of groups that span a continuum of similar, but not identical, philosophies, primaries offer each faction the opportunity to be heard and shape the whole. The key to obtaining the power to make changes, however, is dependent on those factions combining their strength behind the winner of the primary to win in the general election. Otherwise, all the infighting is just a bunch of nobodies arguing with nonentities. Nobody cares.

 

The Republican Party should have a robust and full-throated primary election, and then line up to make sure that whoever wins the primary has the financial and organizational muscle to defeat Tony Evers.

GOP primary gets real

by | 0538, 15 Feb 2222 | | 1 Comment

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a slice:

There are some major shifts happening within the Wisconsin Republican base. First, there is deep frustration with the Republican elected leadership. The Republican base turned decidedly more conservative starting around 2004. The first real sign of it was when then assemblyman Glenn Grothman challenged incumbent Republican Senate Majority Leader Mary Panzer in a primary and defeated her with 79% of the vote. Grothman staked out a very conservative position to Panzer’s more moderate approach. Grothman’s victory signaled that the Republican base had shifted more conservative and it continued to move that way for the next decade.

 

By 2010, when conservative Scott Walker won the governorship with a solidly conservative Legislature, the conservative movement in Wisconsin was at its apex. Over the next four years, Wisconsin enacted more conservative legislation than any time in its history — perhaps in any state’s history.

 

By 2016, the base of the Republican Party was getting frustrated. The base was as conservative as ever, but the elected Republicans in Madison seemed to have lost their drive. Few conservative initiatives were being passed and the elected leaders seemed to be getting too comfortable in Madison. The Republican base’s frustration led to Walker’s defeat by Evers as some conservatives sat home. Wisconsin’s elected Republicans still aren’t listening and have lost 11 of the last 12 statewide elections.

 

2016 also saw the dramatic change in the Republican base with a wave of populism ushered in by President Donald Trump. Here was a new brand of Republican. While very similar to the conservative wing in terms of philosophy, they are very different in terms of priorities and style. They tended to be more socially liberal, less fiscally conservative, more willing to challenge orthodoxy, less willing to tolerate bull, and more aggressive in style.

 

The Republican populists rose out of a deep frustration with the establishment, and the elites in our state and nation are not only failing to represent and respect the people, but they are actively working against the people’s interests. Recent history has proven them right in many respects. While more traditional conservatives seek to advance change through existing institutions and power structures, populists seek to tear down those structures and replace them with something better.

 

The Republican primary for governor is a contest between all these various forces. Conservative versus populist. Establishment versus outsider. Madison Republicanism versus W.O.W. Republicanism.

 

America the beautiful

by | 0823, 10 Feb 2222 | , , | 6 Comments

Here is my full column that ran in the Washington County Daily News earlier this week.

“Twenty years from now you will be more disappointed by the things you didn’t do than the ones you did. So throw off the bowlines. Sail away from safe harbor.” That quote is often attributed to Mark Twain, who did not say it, but they are wise words, nonetheless.

 

This week marks six months since my wife and I threw off our boat’s bowlines as we spend a year circumnavigating the eastern half of the nation on the Great Loop. As I sit in the Keys at the southernmost point on our journey having sailed almost 2,800 miles from our beautiful home port of Port Washington, I’ve learned a few things about our country. Perhaps it is more accurate to say that I relearned them.

 

America’s waterways are truly bursting with crosscurrents of people. Rich people in palatial homes, vagabond river rats, heavy industry workers, agricultural workers, fishermen, pleasure boaters, restaurateurs, hoteliers, vacationers, farmers, retirees, immigrants, middle-class folks, and just about every other kind of person finds their way to the water to intermingle.

 

By and large, Americans are nice. They are helpful, generous, welcoming, and kind. They are open with advice and love to share their experiences. Perhaps these wonderful attributes get lost in the news or in the fires of social media exchanges, but they are as real and true as ever. Americans are a good people. Americans are extremely reasonable and full of common sense. On the COVID pandemic, for example, the vast majority of the people we met were taking a sensible approach. If they were in a high-risk group, they were more cautious. Most people were content to let people make their own choices without judgment or concern. We met one couple who were fellow digital nomads who said, “We heard about the pandemic, but chose not to participate.” To each their own. That “live and let live” attitude is prevalent throughout America.

 

Americans are incredibly hardworking and entrepreneurial. We met one man in Mississippi who used to work in corporate America. After finding out that he had severe hypertension in his mid-40s, he quit and started his own business delivering food to marinas. Through word of mouth, he has expended to a wide list of concierge services. He was working 80 hours a week, but healthy, happy, and hiring. America is still the land of opportunity and new beginnings.

 

Americans are proud, and rightfully so. In almost every town from Chicago to Apalachicola, Fla., people are proud of their communities. Visiting the local history museums, seeing the murals, and speaking to locals opens up the full story of America. From rugged pioneers hacking out a home in the wilderness to industrialists creating an industry to the generations of people toiling to make their community better for the next generation, every town has a rich history and a proud heritage. Sure, I love spending time in New York and Chicago too, but give me a Paducah or Everglades City any day.

 

It is also clear that America’s politicians are completely out of touch with actual Americans. In speaking with hundreds of Americans from all walks of life in dozens of towns of all sizes, people are not talking about the same things as the politicians. People are not talking about racial strife. Most Americans get along just fine with their neighbors irrespective of race or ethnicity. People are not talking about Ukraine. They are talking about COVID a bit but have mostly moved on. Nobody cares about global warming, but they care about keeping their environment clean.

 

What Americans do care about are the things that they have always cared about — the things that are impacting their daily lives. The most common concern on people’s mind were rising prices. One couple we met watched as the price of diesel went up between the time they started pumping and when they finished. They had to pay the higher price. The prices for groceries, fuel, cars, and food are on everyone’s minds.

 

Americans are talking about their kids in schools and how hard the lockdowns, virtual learning, and masking has been on their children and their families. They are talking about crime, but mostly in the cities. Small-town Americans still respect and support their police. Americans are talking about government waste and fraud. They know about Washington spending trillions of dollars to help, but very little of it has actually made a difference in their lives.

 

Americans are worried that their culture is being taken away from them. They are joking about wokeism because it is so foreign to their experience, but worried that the cultural elites will force it on them. Americans are fiercely proud of being Americans, but anxious that they aren’t allowed to be proud anymore.

 

When Donald Trump ran for office with his “Make America Great Again” slogan, I didn’t get it then. I get it now even if I don’t support him running again. He was tuned into something that the rest of our politicians were not. Americans feel like their political representatives are too far removed from the real issues that impact Americans and they are absolutely sick and tired of it. Unless our elected representatives figure out how to reconnect with the people they serve, we will continue to whipsaw between extremes as Americans cry out for someone to listen to them.

America the beautiful

by | 0648, 8 Feb 2222 | , | 0 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. I’ve been seeing a lot of this country lately and paused to reflect. Here’s a part:

Americans are proud, and rightfully so. In almost every town from Chicago to Apalachicola, Fla., people are proud of their communities. Visiting the local history museums, seeing the murals, and speaking to locals opens up the full story of America. From rugged pioneers hacking out a home in the wilderness to industrialists creating an industry to the generations of people toiling to make their community better for the next generation, every town has a rich history and a proud heritage. Sure, I love spending time in New York and Chicago too, but give me a Paducah or Everglades City any day.

 

It is also clear that America’s politicians are completely out of touch with actual Americans. In speaking with hundreds of Americans from all walks of life in dozens of towns of all sizes, people are not talking about the same things as the politicians. People are not talking about racial strife. Most Americans get along just fine with their neighbors irrespective of race or ethnicity. People are not talking about Ukraine. They are talking about COVID a bit but have mostly moved on. Nobody cares about global warming, but they care about keeping their environment clean.

 

What Americans do care about are the things that they have always cared about — the things that are impacting their daily lives. The most common concern on people’s mind were rising prices.

 

 

Republicans launch ambitious educational reform agenda

by | 1020, 4 Feb 2222 | | 4 Comments

Here is my full column that ran in the Washington County Daily News earlier this week.

Wisconsin’s Republicans, led by Sen. Alberta Darling, will be introducing a series of education reform bills that will put more power in the hands of parents and families. While the bills have no chance of being signed into law by union-owned Democratic Gov. Tony Evers, they give a glimpse of the good things that could happen if the voters fire Evers in November.

 

The pandemic, and the government’s despicable reaction to it, has surfaced many latent faults in our society and in our government institutions. First and foremost is that we have learned that many of our government schools have not been focused on education for some time. Their priorities are employee goldbricking, leftist ideological training, and celebrating average performance at the expense of the exceptional — in that order. We have seen school officials shift from their pre-pandemic stance of pretending to listen to parents to outright disdain that parents would dare to question school officials’ actions.

 

The legislative Republicans will seek to change the power dynamic in our government schools by putting more power into the hands of parents and taxpayers at the expense of education bureaucrats. We will see more details of the education reform bills when they are introduced, but we can see the outlines. The most important reform to be proposed is to expand school choice statewide and remove the income requirements. Under Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson, Wisconsin was a pioneer in school choice, and it has been a godsend for thousands of students to escape failing schools and get the education that they deserve. The concept is simple. Wisconsin’s taxpayers are joyfully obligated to pay for the education of all of Wisconsin’s kids, but parents are in the best position to choose the best school for their child, whether that school is run by the government or a private institution. Currently, there are three versions of school choice in Wisconsin, but all of them are restricted to low-income families and other limitations. The Republicans would seek to remove those limitations and make school choice available to every Wisconsin child. Doing so would reaffirm that Wisconsin is committed to education and not just to government institutions. The reform would make government schools more accountable and, more importantly, ensure that every family has the means to provide the education that is best for their child.

 

While the expansion of school choice is the most important reform proposal, the most contentious will likely be the proposal to break up Milwaukee Public Schools into several smaller districts. MPS is a failed school district that has resisted all attempts to improve it. Part of the issue is its sheer size. It has become a bureaucratic behemoth more concerned for its internal power structure than with the kids in far-flung neighborhoods. Resources are focused on plugging the holes of the sinking ship at the expense of raising the sails.

 

By breaking MPS into smaller districts, each district would have its own school board to be accountable to the people. Each smaller district would have its own budget so that resources could not be diverted away from their neighborhoods to buttress another school that is so far away that it might as well be in Hudson. The plan would return more control and accountability to local families. Small government is better government, and it is even more true with government schools.

 

Another proposed reform will be to establish a Parental Bill of Rights. Several states have enacted some version of a Parental Bill of Rights as a response to government school officials who continue to condescend to parents. A Parental Bill of Rights simply affirms some core rights that government school officials must respect or face legal consequences. Those rights include a parents’ right to guide their child’s health care, religious, and moral upbringing. These things used to be understood as part of our social construct, but aggressive leftist infiltration of our government schools make it necessary to codify them into law.

 

There are many additional reforms related to transparency and accountability, but all of them are designed to refocus our education system on what it is supposed to be about – educating children. Taxpayers spend billions of dollars every year on education with the simple expectation that everyone is focused on putting every dollar toward educating children. It is long past time for government to meet that expectation.

Republicans launch ambitious educational reform agenda

by | 1321, 1 Feb 2222 | , | 13 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

Wisconsin’s Republicans, led by Sen. Alberta Darling, will be introducing a series of education reform bills that will put more power in the hands of parents and families. While the bills have no chance of being signed into law by union-owned Democratic Gov. Tony Evers, they give a glimpse of the good things that could happen if the voters fire Evers in November.

 

The pandemic, and the government’s despicable reaction to it, has surfaced many latent faults in our society and in our government institutions. First and foremost is that we have learned that many of our government schools have not been focused on education for some time. Their priorities are employee goldbricking, leftist ideological training, and celebrating average performance at the expense of the exceptional — in that order. We have seen school officials shift from their pre-pandemic stance of pretending to listen to parents to outright disdain that parents would dare to question school officials’ actions.

 

The legislative Republicans will seek to change the power dynamic in our government schools by putting more power into the hands of parents and taxpayers at the expense of education bureaucrats. We will see more details of the education reform bills when they are introduced, but we can see the outlines. The most important reform to be proposed is to expand school choice statewide and remove the income requirements.

Johnson, Kleefisch lead Republican ballot in November

by | 0635, 25 Jan 2222 | | 30 Comments

My column for the Washington County Daily News is online and in print. Here’s a part:

After only a year of Democrats running Washington, the country is on fire. Our borders are open, we are seeing the highest inflation in 40 years, grocery store shelves are sparse, violent crime is shattering our peace, COVID is raging more than ever, and America has not been this weak on the international stage since Grover Cleveland sat in the Oval Office. With all indications that this year will see massive Republican victories at the ballot box in an attempt to reclaim our nation, Wisconsin has two very strong contenders to lead the ballot.

 

[…]

 

It is easy to tell when a conservative is making a difference when the media continually smears him as “controversial.” Liberals like their Republicans to be docile and Senator Johnson is anything but that. Wisconsinites have been well-served by Senator Johnson and he has earned another term.

 

[…]

 

On the issues, Kleefisch is ardently pro-life, an enthusiastic supporter of school choice, defender of the 2nd Amendment, and supports, and is supported by, law enforcement. Kleefisch is exactly the kind of smart conservative communicator that Wisconsin needs after four years of dreary malaise under Tony Evers.

High inflation lights fuse of government taxing and spending time bomb

by | 0728, 22 Jan 2222 | , , | 0 Comments

Here is my full column that ran earlier in the week in the Washington County Daily News 

The U.S. Consumer Price Index, the key measurement for inflation, jumped to 7% in December marking the highest inflation rate we have seen since “Star Trek II: The Wrath of Khan” was released in theaters. It is only going to get worse. There is no sign of inflation abating any time soon and it has lit a fuse that will ignite massive increase in taxes and spending.

 

The CPI measures a basket of goods that is designed to be representative of an average American’s expenses. While overall expenses have gone up 7%, the distribution is even more troubling. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the big drivers are protein foods (12.5%), gasoline (49.6%), fuel oil (41%), natural gas (24.1%), used cars and trucks (37.3%), and new vehicles (11.8%). The extreme price increases in the energy sector are drastically increasing transportation costs and will further ripple through the economy as businesses try to get goods to consumers.

 

Even worse, the Producer Price Index, which measures the change in prices from the perspective of the sellers, rose faster than CPI at 9.7% in 2021. That is the largest calendar year increase since this metric was first calculated in 2010. With the PPI higher than the CPI, it indicates that businesses are absorbing some of the inflation and not passing all of it along to consumers… yet. As businesses realign their consumer prices with their costs, we can expect to see the CPI continue to rise.

 

All of this has a direct impact on every Wisconsinite as the costs of groceries, fuel, home-heating, and other essentials continue to increase. Buckle up, because it is going to get worse as those inflation numbers hit government budgets.

 

Wisconsin has always been a high tax state, but over the years, Republicans have put a few safeguards in place by capping increases to the rate of inflation. That was sensible when we had inflation of 2% or 3%. As inflation moves to 7% or possible above 10%, the ability of Wisconsinites to afford their government will be severely strained.

 

For example, in 2011, the Republicans implemented Act 10, which did a number of things including restricting public employee unions to being able to only negotiate wages up to the rate of inflation. In practice, that meant that most public employees have been receiving wage increases at the rate of inflation every year. With employee costs representing 70% or more of most government budgets, that means that 2022 will see significant spending increases for no additional value.

 

Also, Wisconsin caps government school district spending increases to changes in enrollment and inflation. Higher inflation means a much higher spending increase limit for school districts to pay for those increases in employee wages. This will drive a steep increase in property taxes at the same time that the housing prices upon which property taxes are based have gone up 9.5% according to the Wisconsin Realtors Association.

 

While spending and tax increases of 7% or more are looming, the ability for Wisconsinites to afford those increases is not keeping up. According to the BLS, Wisconsin’s wage growth ranks 37th in the nation for the third quarter of 2021, the most recent data available. Wisconsin’s average hourly wage in the private sector increased at a rate of 3.9% — a little more than half the rate of inflation. As inflation is squeezing Wisconsinites’ expenses, government is about to take a bigger slice. For those who are retired or on a fixed income, the bite of government will be even more severe.

 

To make it even worse — sorry, there is no good news here — recall that inflation measurements are a lagging indicator. Government budgets this year will be set based on inflation incurred last year. When inflation does eventually abate or a period of deflation possibly sets in, there is no mechanism to rein in the inflationary spending of government. Those spending increases will be baked into the pie forevermore unless elected leaders are willing to actually cut spending — something that neither Republicans nor Democrats have been willing to do in Wisconsin in my lifetime.

 

The only way to snuff out the fuse is to elect people who are willing to say “no” to increasing spending even in the face of inflation. Wisconsin’s private-sector workers are suffering from President Biden’s inflation. Government employees should not be immunized from inflation at the expense of their private- sector neighbors. It starts right now with the primaries for local government elections and the general election in April. It continues through the November elections. The people we elect in these next two general elections will be the ones making budget decisions at the end of the year.

 

Choose wisely.

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